American action, as it has unfolded since Sept. 11, represents the biggest slip in the decline of the West since World War II. Over the last 17 months, the Supreme Court-appointed president has jumped on the accelerator. In this span, we’ve seen our country indulge its wrath, suspend the Constitution, spurn world opinion, divide its closest allies and most notably, foment hatred throughout the Arab world. In short, we have successfully transitioned from the Cold War to a battle of biblical proportions between the Western and non-Western worlds.

Oswald Spengler points out in "The Decline of the West" that civilizations can go one of two ways: They can either die out, or be overwhelmed by a stronger civilization. Islam has asserted itself as a formidable opponent to the hegemony of the Western worldview, as evidenced by the thrust of a global terror network and the uproar heard from the streets of Damascus, Cairo and Tehran. Time is on the side of Islam. Birth rates are declining in the West; in Islamic cultures they are growing rapidly.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict represents a small-scale example of the crisis emerging on the world stage. In 10 years the Palestinians in the occupied territories combined with Arabs living in Israel will overwhelm the Jewish majority. Without an offer of political rights to Palestinians, the Israelis will govern their country through the policy of apartheid. An Arab majority in Israel is an eventuality. Democracy will evaporate there unless Israelis recognize the Palestinians.

A world Islamic majority is also an eventuality. Unless we seriously address the concerns of the Muslim world in a peaceful way, and in the manner of inclusion, we may see our way of life deteriorate further under the threat of terrorism. Critics have argued that the Bush administration is waging a war against Islam. The caustic language they use toward the Arab world, combined with the flouting of world opinion, serve to augment Muslim disillusionment toward the West.

Secular Muslims at one time made up 85 percent of those committed to the faith. Now the tables are turning: Fundamentalism is growing, and may someday consume a vast majority of the faith. This is the danger. Failed secular Arab states and the suffering that has precipitated, combined with pressure from the West, is the cause behind the shift toward radical Islam. Halting this trend, given an inevitable world Islamic majority, is a worthy goal. Building economies and hope by supplying resources and incentives -- not through occupation -- is the only way to stop the transformation of Muslim students into walking time bombs. This is not the policy of choice. Nation-building is.

Imposing democracy on Arab nations through the policy of military action followed up by nation-building serves only to widen the gap between the West and non-West. Not to mention, its chances for success are slim. The president's vision for rebuilding the Middle East, and the idealism with which the concept is discussed, is reminiscent of the failed U.S. occupation of Lebanon in the 1980s and Somalia in the '90s. Iraq, like Lebanon and Somalia, is a fractious society. Ancient malice runs deep among the many factions that comprise the Iraqi population. Normally, fighting among these factions ends not as a result of amicable agreement, but out of fatigue. Any peace known to Iraqis has been forged by the iron fist of Saddam Hussein. Iraq's history and the splintered condition of its society stand firmly against the premise of U.S. foreign policy.

Additionally, the belief that an occupying force can rebuild a society in its own image is a strategy proven ineffective many times throughout history. Ask Europe. In some cases it has been successful in its nascent stages, but in nearly every case, it unraveled over time. With this in mind, it is clear that the American foreign policy mission will be challenged. The Bush administration's hubris and overly idealistic vision for the Middle East are offensive to Muslims, as evidenced by the widespread protests throughout the region.

To succeed in turning the tide of turmoil that roils the Arab world requires a less belligerent policy, one that alleviates the desperation that drives secular Muslims to the fundamentalist extremity of the religion. Nation-building is clearly not the answer.

Examining the current crisis -- the war on terror and the drive to transform the Middle East -- through this context, we come to understand the genius behind bin Laden's strategy for undoing the West. In addition to derailing the Western alliance and sending the United Nations spinning toward irrelevance, he has drawn the U.S. into employing a policy driven by wrath and vengeance. A continuation of this policy will only exacerbate the animosity that exists between the West and Islam.

Gary Large is a graduate student at Temple University studying journalism and a freelance art critic. If you would like to respond to this Slant or have one of your own (850 words), contact Howard Altman, City Paper editor in chief, 123 Chestnut St., third floor, Phila., PA 19106 or e-mail altman@citypaper.net.