Mutter the words "Republican" and "mayor" in the presence of many Philadelphians and you might make their skin crawl. This city hasn't had a Republican mayor since Bernard Samuel's last term ended in 1952, and registered Democrats have long outnumbered Republicans here.

But the lone Republican in this race, 49-year-old financier Samuel P. Katz, probably won't give you the willies (unless he brandishes the poolside shirtless photo he's been carrying around lately). He's actually an affable guy with a good chance of changing this city's half-century Democratic disposition.

Right now, all focus is on the Democratic photo finish, and has been since the race began late last year. Katz hasn't made the invite list for many debates and forums; he's been told there's nothing for him to debate yet. So he's crashed their parties, diplomatically of course, insisting on inclusion.

"I don't want them to lose sight of me," he explains. "A lot of Democrats are coming up to me telling me that they are for me. It was really important for the campaign that we engage from the outset and not sit back and let the fur fly."

Some describe Katz as a moderate Republican; others call him a "Democratic Republican."

He's pro-choice, supports gay rights and was a Democrat until 1990. However, he supports school choice, wage tax cuts and a streamlined city government.

His Democratic leanings have garnered criticism. With only 20 percent of Philadelphia's voters registered as Republican, Katz knows he cannot win in November on their votes alone. He's been accused of being purposefully vague about his plans, to sway doubting Democrats while keeping his natural Republican base in the River wards and the Northeast.

"I'm saying we're in the boat together and Philadelphia is still sinking. There's no Democratic way to police or Republican way to manage the schools."

(Indeed, Katz has not released detailed policies, but his campaign staffers call it good old-fashioned suspense.)

Katz's ability to work with Democrats and Republicans in Philadelphia and Harrisburg can't be discounted. He's played a key role in some of Rendell's hallmarks, including the five-year plan that pulled the city out of financial crisis and made the First Union Center a reality.

Katz hired veteran Democratic consultant Neil Oxman and seasoned Republican consultant Christopher Mottola, bringing the two together to work on one campaign for the first time.

Throw in Katz's campaign director, Bob Barnett, once Rendell's commissioner of Licenses and Inspections, and Katz's policy director, Linda Morrison, who oversaw competitive contracting during Rendell's first term, and you have one big happy bipartisan stew.

Rumors abound that Rendell endorsed John Street because he knows that if it comes down to the two, Katz will win easily. Katz disagrees: "I think what Ed wants is that the next mayor will be viewed—not only in the city, but in the entire region—as someone who carries on his legacy and keeps the city moving positively. If [Rendell] runs for governor [in 2002], he cannot afford a change in the image of Philadelphia, particularly with suburbanites, on whom he will need to rely for political support to win."

Marty Weinberg would likely give him a tougher fight. He recently boasted that his camp has registered 30,000 new voters and switched 13,000 Republicans in the Northeast. And imagine the dirt Weinberg would dig up on a stadium-builder who was once sued, in 1983, for sexual harassment? (Katz denied the charge. The woman withdrew her case and subsequently said she would vote for him.)

Whoever wins the Democratic nomination will face a different Katz than the one who placed third in the '91 Republican mayoral primary. Now, he has the GOP nomination, he's loosened up a bit and the political climate is ripe for his business-sense brand of politics. (New York and Los Angeles recently elected Republican mayors for the first time in years.)