March 30–April 6, 2000

cover story

The Home Team: The Starting Lineup

A candid look at the tops and flops who make up Philadelphia’s state legislative roster.

by Frank Lewis

research assistance by Debra Auspitz

These are the nine players who can get the job done, through talent, hard work or merely through seniority. While not necessarily the team’s best performers (see Salvatore), they’re the ones who carry the most potential clout.

Dwight Evans

Catcher

Dwight Evans (D) House, 203rd District (East and West Oak Lane, Olney) In office since 1981 Solid backstop, calls a great game, no one will run on him.

How respected is Dwight Evans? Even under cover of anonymity, not one person interviewed for this article had anything genuinely negative to say about him. Who else in state politics — or city politics, for that matter — could make such a claim?

As he mentioned repeatedly during his shockingly unsuccessful mayoral campaign, Evans has never been one to settle for talking about what could be; for years he’s used his district as a laboratory, sorting out what will help struggling urban communities and what won’t. So legislators who care little or nothing for cities are more inclined to listen to his appeals for greater funding for certain programs than they are to those who simply demand, brandishing their constituents’ race and income levels as weapons.

"He really likes the work of the legislature, and does it well," says one observer. Another says Evans is the only House Democrat not seriously hindered by his party’s minority status; he eagerly courts colleagues from across the aisle, something that’s "extraordinarily rare in the Pennsylvania legislature." This combined with his position as ranking Democrat on the powerful Appropriations Committee means Evans’ support for an issue carries real weight.

The closest thing to criticism our experts offered up was noting Evans’ periodic flirtations with executive offices (he ran for governor in 1994 and apparently considered challenging Rendell in the primary in ’95).

"I think this year and next year will be key for Dwight," says one scout. "I think if he makes a commitment to the House, he can solidify his position as one of its most powerful members."

Vincent Fumo

Pitcher

	Vincent Fumo (D) Senate, First District (South Philly, Center City, Kensington) In office since 1978 It’s hard to win with Fumo pitching against you.

Everyone knows that Fumo’s guy crashed and burned in the mayoral election, and that the ultimate winner, John Street, has shown no signs of courting the South Philly power pol the way Ed Rendell did — in fact, Street seems to be going out of his way to screw with Fumo behind the scenes. But what no one can agree on is whether Fumo’s clout is waning as a result. In fact, the very question brings up another debatable point, whether Fumo’s legendary power is real or simply, well, legendary.

No one interviewed for this project, however, was prepared to say Fumo’s best days are behind him. Yes, his party is in the minority in the Senate, one observer notes, but this seems to have had little impact on Fumo’s ability to deliver for his district and the city. Other scouts wondered aloud what Street thinks he’s accomplishing by apparently trying to alienate the city’s most reliable warrior in Harrisburg, especially when winning more state funding is central to Street’s plan, such as it is, to save the public schools: "Street’s on the hook for a lot of things as mayor, and he could use some help. But Vince can afford to wait" for Street to make the first overture.

Street may also need Fumo to complete stadium deals — the Phillies can attest to Fumo’s ability to make things not happen. He still has as many strong allies in City Council (Jim Kenney, Frank DiCicco and Rick Mariano) as he did before the election, and he’s on good terms with Council President Anna Verna.

"Right, wrong, or indifferent, Vince is an all-star," says one scout. "If Machiavelli were alive, Machiavelli would say, ‘That Fumo guy is impressive.’"*

William Keller

Left field

William Keller (D) House, 184th District (South Philly) In office since 1993 Quiet power; can make all the plays.

William who, you ask? True, Keller’s not well known among voters outside his district, but in political circles this seven-year legislator has earned a reputation for sincerity, hard work and coalition building.

"He cares very deeply about his district… and about bread and butter issues, like taxes," says an observer. "He’s not a philosopher, and doesn’t pretend to be, but he knows his district inside and out." Says another: "He’s effective because he has friends on both sides of the aisle.… But the greatest statement on his effectiveness is that he’s unopposed in the primary and the general in a district that’s notorious for battles for that seat."

Keller wrested the seat from a one-term Republican, with support from Fumo. Keller is a longtime friend of City Council’s chief "Fumocrat," Jim Kenney; Keller and Kenney are members of the same Mummers organization. The two organized the recent "Get To Know Us" weekend for state legislators, a clever effort to counter suburban and rural lawmakers’ money-pit image of Philadelphia.

As a former longshoreman and with a district that includes the former Navy Yard, Keller’s been involved in various maritime issues. Though he received little credit for it, he was part of the team that almost brought German shipbuilder Meyer Werft to the shuttered naval facility, selling labor leaders and other legislators on the complex deal while Fumo and David L. Cohen, Rendell’s chief of staff, handled the high-profile work.

His current pet project is "Billy’s Law," a bill that would make hotel owners liable for damages resulting from illegal activities in rooms rented to minors. The bill’s nickname refers to Billy Impagliazzo, a 19-year-old who was shot and killed in a South Philly hotel during a New Year’s Eve party.

Kathy Manderino

Second base

	Kathy Manderino (D) House, 194th District (Overbrook, Manayunk, Roxborough) In office since 1993 Like Mickey Morandini: nothing fancy, but solid, well-respected player who gets the job done.

Following in the footsteps of a famous parent isn’t easy in any business, but you have to figure that the daughter of a highly regarded politician in the male-dominated PA legislature would have an especially rough road. But in just seven years, Kathy Manderino has become known for much more than being the daughter of James Manderino, the 22-year House veteran who was speaker when he died in 1989.

"She’s someone to watch if the Democrats ever take control of the House again," says an observer, one of several to mention Manderino as a rising star. "She pays attention and does her homework," says another. "She has a great future if she wants it."

Manayunk and Roxborough activists have found Manderino to be a reliable supporter in their battles against unbridled development in their neighborhoods. One scout notes that the strong economy has diverted public attention from one of Manderino’s strongest issues, fighting the seemingly punitive elements of welfare reform, but she remains known for her commitment to poverty and family issues. She was one of a few legislators who pushed for a state study of the notoriously low salaries of daycare workers. Far from an ideologue, however, she once worked with a Republican colleague, John Taylor, on an ultimately unsuccessful bill related to welfare reform.

Several scouts commented on Manderino’s obvious intelligence, and how well she puts it to use in the intellectual wasteland that is General Assembly. "She’s certainly picking up where her father left off," says one admirer. (The Inquirer once called James Manderino "the toughest and ablest" state legislator.) "There aren’t too many people in the House who want to be on the other side of a debate with her. She can tear you up."

John Perzel

Third base

John Perzel (R) House, 172nd District (Northeast Philly) In office since 1979 Schmidt-like power

Frequently characterized as an old-fashioned street fighter in the early part of his political career — in his first successful campaign, he distributed 100,000 copies of an article critical of his opponent’s attendance record, according to an Inquirer profile — John Perzel has employed more refined methods of persuasion as House majority leader and second-highest-ranking representative in the state. Perzel, for example, found a way last year to reconcile Gov. Ridge’s desire to throw wads of money at stadium plans and legislators’ fear of being seen as the pawns of wealthy team owners. His proposal, which attached some strings to the states’ investments, rankled fellow Republican Ridge, but sailed through the House and Senate. And it was Perzel, in 1998, who insisted on a tiny but symbolic cut in the personal income tax amidst Ridge’s push for yet more business tax reductions.

By no means is he a liberal in conservative clothing: Perzel was a key player in the state’s reduction of welfare and workers’ comp benefits, and he once outraged Philadelphia’s fastest-growing community by suggesting that "it’s a badge of honor for a young Hispanic to get their girl pregnant." But some of our scouts have been impressed by Perzel’s flexibility — a policy stemming from his party’s slight vote majority (102-99), but also his own common sense.

"He has no ideology whatsoever, which is actually good for a guy in leadership," says one. Another observer, however, says all six GOP legislators from Philly — but Perzel in particular — should be judged not just on what they’ve done, but for what they’ve failed to do for the city.

"They’re Republicans working under a Republican governor," the scout says. "They’ve got the greater potential [than the Democrats]… and if you judge them by their potential, they’ve failed miserably."

Frank Salvatore

Right field

	Frank Salvatore (R) Senate, Fifth District (Northeast Philly) In office since 1985 (State House, 1973-84) Has clout, little else; ugly to watch in field.

Republicans are firmly in control in the State Senate, and 28-year Harrisburg veteran Frank (a.k.a. Hank) Salvatore is the only Republican senator from Philadelphia. As such, he sits in an enviable position. As one observer puts it, "Anyone who wants to do anything for or to Philadelphia has to go through him."

What has he done with such leverage? Good question. His name rarely surfaces in the press, and his one-page all-purpose bio makes vague references to his being "involved" or helping to "shape" various bills — all apparently written by other legislators. He claims a reputation for "focusing on the needs of the elderly," and that may well be. But he’s also focused a significant portion of his attention on laws affecting the beer distribution industry, even while serving as chairman of the board of his family’s beer distribution company, according to an installment in the excellent recent Inquirer series, "Public Work, Private Gain." Salvatore serves on the Senate’s Law and Justice Committee, which oversees beer- and liquor-related legislation, and has even sponsored legislation affecting his industry.

As long as the Republicans hold the power in Harrisburg — and as long as voters in the Fifth Senatorial District keep sending him back — Salvatore will remain a force. As one scout puts it, "Salvatore seems to have some juice, as distasteful as that is."

Allyson Schwartz

Shortstop

Allyson Schwartz (D) Senate, Fourth District (Northwest Philly) In office since 1991 Flashy fielder, not much stick.

"I don’t mean this as slander, but Allyson is a good old-fashioned liberal," says an observer, a loyal Republican. He also says she’s "very smart," so it must be praise, right? (He insists it is.) Though widely regarded as one of the chief spokespeople for liberal causes in Harrisburg — where that’s not going to win anyone a lot of friends — Schwartz is also credited with being an aggressive advocate for the city, even by those not particularly impressed with her.

Her background in women’s issues (she founded the Elizabeth Blackwell Health Center for Women and ran it for several years) led, naturally enough, to legislative work on behalf of families — helping to create and expand the Children’s Health Insurance Program, and, more recently, proposing to use funds from the tobacco settlement to guarantee health insurance for all children. She’s been particularly outspoken on the need for new gun laws, a crusade sure to be used against her in more conservative parts of the state should she successfully win the Democratic nomination to run against U.S. Sen. Rick Santorum.

While all conceded that Schwartz is sharp and hard-working, some of our scouts raise doubts about her influence. One, a political insider, says she’s perceived to be "always looking to run for something else, which takes away from your ability to move within your caucus." (The same scout adds: "In fairness, it’s hard to be a woman in that business. Harrisburg is not Philadelphia… [State politics is widely considered] a guy thing.") For similar reasons, another observer predicts, with regret, that Schwartz is "doomed to be just a voice" and not a force in state government.

An out-of-town observer, however, describes the "eloquent" Schwartz as one to watch if the Democrats retake the Senate.

John Taylor

Center field

	John Taylor (R) House, 177th District (Lower Northeast) In office since 1985 Hits to all fields, has great range to left and right.

Taylor’s name did not bring specific accomplishments or causes to our scouts’ minds, but nearly all of them expressed respect for his style. "He may be the most popular member of the whole delegation," says one. Others noted that he’s well regarded by both parties, and one pointed out that he consistently wins in a Democratic district.

That’s probably because — like Perzel, only more so — Taylor recognizes that his party’s dominance in Harrisburg means squat to most of his constituents, and sometimes votes accordingly. In 1996, Taylor boldly defied Gov. Ridge’s plans to slash medical assistance programs; his impassioned floor speech helped persuade almost two dozen fellow Republicans to join the Democrats in defeating Ridge’s proposal. And how’s this for street cred: Taylor is the only Philadelphia Republican to sit on the House’s Urban Affairs Committee.

The activists we consulted have mixed opinions: One says dismissively that Taylor "doesn’t have a progressive bone in his body," but the other insists that he’s been extremely helpful on welfare-to-work issues. But the most telling commentary on how Taylor is perceived may be Mayor Rendell’s public suggestion in 1994 that Taylor run for State Senate — as a Democrat. He politely declined, but one of our experts says a defection to the minority party would actually increase Taylor’s influence (at home, at least) and long-term prospects. As a Democrat, this scout says, Taylor "would be someone to be reckoned with."*

Anthony H. Williams

First base

Anthony Hardy Williams (D) Senate, Eighth District (Southwest and West Philly) In office since 1998 (State House, 1989-98) Rising star.

When asked to name some rising stars in the Philadelphia delegations, most of our experts mentioned Williams. It’s an odd characterization, given that he served five terms in the House before winning his Senate seat in 1998, but there seems nonetheless to be a widespread sense that the son of former State Sen. Hardy Williams, a cornerstone of black politics in Philadelphia, is coming into his own.

"He is up and coming," says one scout, who was impressed with Williams’ passionate advocacy for school choice.

As another scout noted, Williams is extremely active: His bio lists six current and six former organization affiliations, representing an array of urban issues, and his past service on the boards of Temple University and SEPTA. He also serves on five Senate committees, including Banking and Insurance; Communications and High Technology; and Environmental Resources and Energy. (Not surprisingly, several scouts note Williams’ strong work ethic.) Like Dwight Evans, Williams helped to found a charter school in his district, a school that upped the ante on the ongoing educational experiment by turning curriculum implementation over to a for-profit company.

One observer expects Williams’ influence in Philadelphia to rise as a result of his pre-primary support of John Street for mayor (despite his father’s very public backing of Marty Weinberg). Another calls Williams "shrewd — and I don’t mean that in a negative way. He’s very smart."

*Did not respond to City Paper queries for this article.

The Home Team | The Starting Lineup | The Bench | The Scrubs